The far right is surging in France, Germany and parts of Europe. What will this mean for Ukraine?
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极右翼在法国、德国和欧洲部分地区正在兴起。这对乌克兰意味着什么?

The far right is surging in France, Germany and parts o…

Adam Simpson, Senior Lecturer in International Studies in the School of Society and Culture, Adelaide University

There are long-term questions regarding support for Ukraine if far-right populists win more power in the EU’s most powerful states.

如果极右翼民粹主义者在欧盟最强大的国家获得更多权力,那么对乌克兰的支持将面临长期问题。

In recent local elections in the United Kingdom and Australia, right-wing populism has appeared to be on the march. Support has surged for the Reform UK and One Nation parties.

在英国和澳大利亚最近的地方选举中,右翼民粹主义似乎正在兴起。改革英国党和“一个国家党”的支持率激增。

Media speculation about a future Prime Minister Nigel Farage, or even a Prime Minister Pauline Hanson, is no longer off limits. Right-wing populists are already in power in other countries in Europe, such as Italy.

关于未来首相奈杰尔·法拉奇,甚至保琳·汉森成为首相的媒体猜测已不再是禁忌。右翼民粹主义者已经在欧洲其他国家掌权,例如意大利。

The next big electoral tests for the far right in Europe will be in Germany and France.

欧洲极右翼接下来最大的选举考验将在德国和法国。

Is this surge in Europe real, and how successful can far-right parties be in actually getting elected?

欧洲的这种激增是真实的吗?极右翼政党在实际当选方面能有多成功?

A far-right Italy – and Austria may be next

右翼极端化的意大利——奥地利可能下一个

The most successful transformation of far-right populism in a large European country has been Giorgia Meloni’s Brothers of Italy. It won the most votes in the 2022 election and leads a right-wing coalition government.

在欧洲一个大国中,右翼民粹主义最成功的转型体现在乔治亚·梅洛尼的“意大利兄弟党”。该党在2022年大选中获得了最多选票,并领导着一个右翼联合政府。

The party has a fascist history, anti-immigration rhetoric and attempts at concentrating power. Despite this, Meloni has managed to somewhat normalise her government in Europe by strongly backing the European Union, NATO and Ukraine (in contrast to some other far-right parties) .

该党拥有法西斯历史、反移民言论,并试图集中权力。尽管如此,梅洛尼通过大力支持欧盟、北约和乌克兰,在欧洲使她的政府在一定程度上“正常化”(与一些其他右翼政党形成对比)。

In Austria, the platform of the far-right Freedom Party includes xenophobic and Eurosceptic propaganda and opposition to EU climate policies. It also opposes support for Ukraine and sanctions against Russia.

在奥地利,右翼自由党的纲领包括仇外和欧洲怀疑论宣传,以及反对欧盟气候政策。它还反对支持乌克兰和对俄罗斯实施制裁。

It has been in government as a junior partner previously, but won the 2024 elections with almost 29% of the vote. Although it was kept out of power by a coalition of centrist parties, it seems only a matter of time before it leads a government in Vienna.

该党此前曾作为小组成员参与政府,但却在2024年大选中获得了近29%的选票。尽管它被中间派政党联盟阻止了执政,但似乎离它在维也纳领导政府只是一件时间问题。

The far right surging in France and Germany

法国和德国极右翼的崛起

Parties such as National Rally in France and Alternative for Germany (AfD) have historically undermined the European Union, while aligning themselves with the growing autocratisation and authoritarianism of Putin’s Russia.

法国的国民阵线和德国的另类选择党(AfD)等政党,历史上一直破坏欧盟,同时与普京的俄罗斯日益增长的威权化和专制主义靠拢。

Two regional German elections are due in September, where Alternative for Germany are leading polls.

九月将举行两场德国地方选举,另类选择党在民调中处于领先地位。

National Rally candidates are also preforming strongly in polls for France’s presidential election due in April 2017.

国民阵线的候选人在定于2017年4月的法国总统选举民调中也表现强劲。

In other words, right-wing populists may soon acquire significant executive power in the EU’s two most influential countries. This could affect Europe’s future commitments to Ukraine.

换句话说,右翼民粹主义者可能很快在欧盟两个最具影响力的国家获得重要的行政权力。这可能会影响欧洲未来对乌克兰的承诺。

Cosying up to Russia

亲近俄罗斯

In Germany, the AfD proposes ending military aid for Ukraine, ending sanctions on Russia and restoring Russian fossil fuel imports.

在德国,德国另类党(AfD)提议结束对乌克兰的军事援助,取消对俄罗斯的制裁,并恢复俄罗斯化石燃料的进口。

The party’s main focus is on restricting immigration and asylum. It promotes “remigration”. This radical idea proposes up to two million “unassimilated German citizens” could be “relocated” to a “model state” in North Africa, while sharply reducing immigration and restricting asylum.

该党的主要关注点是限制移民和庇护。它提倡“再迁移”。这一激进的设想提出,多达两百万“未融入的德国公民”可以被“重新安置”到北非的一个“样板国家”,同时大幅减少移民并限制庇护。

The party has been labelled an “extremist entity” by Germany’s federal domestic intelligence agency.

德国联邦国内情报机构已将该党标记为“极端组织”。

Despite this, the AfD is leading polls for two key regional elections in September in the former communist East Germany (and may end up securing an absolute majority in at least one) .

尽管如此,AfD在九月举行的前共产主义东德的两次关键地区选举的民调中处于领先地位(并可能至少在一个地区获得绝对多数)。

Traditional parties have established a “firewall” or “cordon sanitaire” that historically has prevented coalitions with the AfD, at both national or regional levels.

传统政党建立了一道“防火墙”或“隔离带”,历史上一直阻止其在国家或地区层面与AfD结盟。

However, with AfD’s growing support, centre-right parties may feel pressure to reconsider.

然而,随着AfD支持率的增长,中右翼政党可能会感到压力,不得不重新考虑。

National Rally seeks normalisation in France

法国国民阵线寻求正常化

National Rally (more widely known as RN) was founded in 1972 and had early links to neo-fascism.

国民阵线(更广为人知为RN)成立于1972年,早期与新法西斯主义有关联。

However, leader Marine Le Pen (who took over from her father in 2011) has gone to great lengths to normalise the party and broaden its appeal. She distanced the party from her father’s antisemitism and focused more on anti-immigration, French nationalism and opposing Islamic extremism.

然而,领导人玛丽娜·勒庞(于2011年接替父亲的职位)为使该党正常化并扩大其吸引力付出了巨大努力。她将该党与父亲的反犹太主义划清界限,更多地关注反移民、法国民族主义和反对伊斯兰极端主义。

She reached the presidential runoffs in 2017 and 2022 but was comfortably defeated by centrist Emmanuel Macron both times.

她在2017年和2022年的总统第二轮投票中入围,但两次都被温和派埃马纽埃尔·马克龙轻松击败。

Since then, however, RN has increased support. With Macron constitutionally unable to run in the next election, Le Pen – or her protégé Jordan Bardella if she is legally barred from running – is leading polls in a final round match-up against most candidates.

然而,从那时起,国民阵线的支持度有所增加。由于马克龙在下次选举中宪法上无法参选,勒庞——或者如果她被法律禁止参选,她的门徒乔丹·巴尔德拉——在与大多数候选人进行最终轮次对决的民调中处于领先地位。

RN has traditionally been close to Putin and Russia. Le Pen supports Russia’s annexation of Ukraine’s Crimea and has committed to France leaving NATO’s integrated command structure.

国民阵线传统上与普京和俄罗斯关系密切。勒庞支持俄罗斯吞并乌克兰的克里米亚,并承诺法国退出北约的综合指挥结构。

But the Russia-friendly rhetoric has been toned down since the 2022 full invasion of Ukraine, which is politically toxic in much of Western Europe.

但自2022年全面入侵乌克兰以来,亲俄言论有所淡化,因为这在西欧大部分地区具有政治毒性。

While it will probably be some time before the AfD joins a governing coalition in Germany, there is a very real chance RN will win next year’s presidential election in France. This would give it a powerful executive role within the EU’s only nuclear power and permanent UN Security Council member.

尽管德国极右翼党(AfD)加入执政联盟可能还需要一段时间,但国民阵线在明年的法国总统选举中获胜的可能性非常大。这将赋予其在欧盟唯一核大国和常任联合国安理会成员国中的强大行政作用。

The path ahead

前方的道路

The most successful right-wing populist in Europe in recent years was Victor Orbán. He led the Fidesz party, which held power in Hungary for 16 years until a monumental election victory for the pro-EU opposition in April.

近年来欧洲最成功的右翼民粹主义者是维克多·奥尔班。他领导的“执政党”(Fidesz)在匈牙利执政了16年,直到四月,亲欧盟反对派取得了一场里程碑式的选举胜利。

The importance of this victory for Ukraine became immediately evident when the new Hungarian government abandoned its veto of a €90 billion EU loan (about A$146 billion) . The loan, which remains conditional on continued democratic and anti-corruption reforms, will fund a significant portion of Ukraine’s military and financial requirements over the next two years as it fights Russia’s brutal invasion.

当新的匈牙利政府放弃了对一笔900亿欧元欧盟贷款(约1460亿澳元)的否决权时,这场胜利对乌克兰的重要性便立即显现出来。这笔贷款仍有条件,要求乌克兰持续进行民主和反腐改革,它将在乌克兰对抗俄罗斯的残酷入侵期间,为未来两年的军事和财政需求提供很大一部分资金。

Liberals and pro-EU types were relieved at the fall of Orbán and the passage of the loan. While this funding will assist Ukraine over the next two years, there are long-term questions regarding EU support for the country if far-right populists win more power in the EU’s most powerful states – exactly what Putin is holding out for.

自由派和亲欧盟人士对奥尔班的垮台和贷款的通过感到松了一口气。虽然这笔资金将在未来两年内帮助乌克兰,但如果极右翼民粹主义者在欧盟最强大的国家获得更多权力,那么欧盟对该国的长期支持就存在疑问——这正是普京所期待的。

Adam Simpson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

亚当·辛普森不为任何受益于本文的公司或组织工作、提供咨询、持有股份或接受资金,并且除了其学术任命之外,没有披露任何相关的隶属关系。