How the war in Iran has brought European countries closer together – without Trump

伊朗战争如何让欧洲国家更紧密地团结起来——没有特朗普

How the war in Iran has brought European countries clos…

Romain Fathi, Associate Professor, School of History, ANU / Chercheur Associé at the Centre d’Histoire de Sciences Po, Australian National University

European leaders have refused to join the US’s war in Iran. But they are working together to find a way out of it.

欧洲领导人拒绝加入美国在伊朗的战争。但他们正在共同努力寻找出路。

The United States under President Donald Trump and the European Union have a complicated relationship. On one hand, European countries and the US have built some of the strongest alliances since the end of the second world war. On the other, since the start of Trump’s second term in 2025, they have openly clashed on significant issues: tariffs, NATO contributions, Palestinian statehood, Israel’s interventionism, Ukraine support levels and Greenland’s sovereignty.

美国在唐纳德·特朗普总统领导下与欧盟的关系是复杂的。一方面,欧洲国家和美国自第二次世界大战结束以来建立了一些最强大的联盟。另一方面,自特朗普于2025年开始第二个任期以来,双方在多个重大问题上公开发生冲突:关税、北约贡献、巴勒斯坦建国、以色列的干预主义、对乌克兰的支持水平以及格陵兰的主权。

Trump’s sudden war on Iran is the latest of these clashes, but it is distinctive because it is shaking the world’s economy. The US war on Iran, alongside Israel’s war on Lebanon, is accelerating a notable reshaping of European alliances and strategic thinking about the union’s future.

特朗普突然对伊朗发动战争是这些冲突中最新的一个,但其独特之处在于它正在动摇世界经济。美国对伊朗的战争,以及以色列对黎巴嫩的战争,正在加速重塑欧洲联盟的联盟格局和对联盟未来的战略思考。

The EU has more than 450 million inhabitants, and its GDP is nearly on par with that of the US or China. Despite its polymorphic nature, and in fact perhaps because of it, it is a world player that can exercise considerable sway over international affairs.

欧盟拥有超过4.5亿人口,其国内生产总值(GDP)几乎与美国或中国持平。尽管其性质是多变的,事实上或许正因为这种多变性,它是一个能够在国际事务中发挥巨大影响力的世界参与者。

European leaders are now attempting to drive a lasting ceasefire, and perhaps even peace, between the US and Iran, with the aim of reopening the strait of Hormuz as soon as possible.

欧洲领导人目前正试图推动美国和伊朗之间实现持久的停火,甚至和平,目标是尽快重新开放霍尔木兹海峡。

A non-UN/NATO sanctioned conflict

一场非联合国/北约授权的冲突

EU countries believe in the rules-based order and international institutions. This is not only because of their democratic constitution and values, but also because they offer them better protection than “might makes right”.

欧盟国家相信基于规则的秩序和国际机构。这不仅是因为其民主宪政和价值观,也是因为它们提供的保护比“强权即真理”更好。

Trump’s unilateral war on Iran sits well beyond international conventions. It was neither sanctioned by a UN mandate or resolution, nor approved by NATO. As a result, European leaders have refused to contribute.

特朗普对伊朗的单方面战争远远超出了国际惯例。它既没有得到联合国授权或决议的批准,也没有得到北约的批准。因此,欧洲领导人拒绝做出贡献。

Spain and Italy have outwardly refused to allow US weapon-carrying planes bound for the Iran conflict to use their bases. Meanwhile, France is taking a more case-by-case approach in authorising or declining use of its airspace as part of operations linked to the conflict.

西班牙和意大利公开拒绝允许飞往伊朗冲突地区的美国运输机使用其基地。与此同时,法国在授权或拒绝使用其空域方面采取了更具个案性质的方法,作为与该冲突相关的行动的一部分。

Spain, Italy, Germany, France and the United Kingdom have also refused to send direct military support to contribute to Trump’s war. However, France and the UK are willing to deploy within a peace or maritime security framework once the war is over.

西班牙、意大利、德国、法国和英国也拒绝提供直接军事支持来参与特朗普的战争。然而,一旦战争结束,法国和英国愿意在一个和平或海上安全框架内进行部署。

Europe united, at last?

欧洲终于团结了吗?

Trump’s war on Iran has accelerated a much deeper, more significant process: the coordination of European leaders on central issues such as European strategic independence in defence, diplomacy and energy.

特朗普对伊朗的战争加速了一个更深层次、更重要的进程:即欧洲领导人在国防、外交和能源等核心问题上的协调一致。

Since Trump’s return to the Oval Office, there has been a subtle but important diversification of the EU’s diplomatic and military agreements with regional partners. Six such agreements have been signed by the EU, followed by a dozen more bilateral agreements of its member states with other countries.

自特朗普重返椭圆形办公室以来,欧盟与区域伙伴在外交和军事协议方面出现了一种微妙但重要的多元化。欧盟签署了六项此类协议,随后其成员国又与其他国家签署了十几个双边协议。

This greater European coordination is being validated and reinforced by the war in Iran. The global disruption in the production and circulation of petro-based products generated by the near total closure of the Straight of Hormuz is prompting urgent European responses.

欧洲更强的协调性正因伊朗战争得到验证和加强。霍尔木兹海峡几乎完全关闭,导致石化产品在全球生产和流通方面出现中断,促使欧洲采取了紧急应对措施。

On April 17, in Paris, UK and French leaders Keir Starmer and Emmanuel Macron, flanked by their German and Italian counterparts Friedrich Merz and Giorgia Meloni, co-presided over a conference on navigation in the Strait of Hormuz. They were joined by 49 other countries, with more than half of the EU’s member states present alongside representatives of EU institutions and international organisations.

4月17日,在巴黎,英国和法国领导人基尔·斯塔默和埃马纽埃尔·马克龙,以及他们各自的德国和意大利同行弗里德里希·梅尔茨和乔治娅·梅洛尼,共同主持了关于霍尔木兹海峡航行的会议。共有49个其他国家参加了会议,其中超过一半的欧盟成员国,以及欧盟机构和国际组织的代表也出席了。

The meeting proposed the “full, immediate, and unconditional reopening of the Strait of Hormuz”. The leaders agreed to start planning, from London next week, a neutral mission to guarantee safety and free passage in the strait.

会议提议“全面、立即和无条件地重新开放霍尔木兹海峡”。领导人同意从下周在伦敦开始规划一项中立任务,以确保海峡的安全和自由通行。

The war in Iran and Trump’s criticisms of the pope have ruptured Trump’s relationship with Meloni, whose electoral base has grown worried about the US president’s unpredictability.

伊朗战争和特朗普对教皇的批评,破坏了特朗普与梅洛尼的关系,而梅洛尼的选民基础则对美国总统的不可预测性日益担忧。

A shifting tide

潮起潮落

For a time, Trump and the MAGA movement had worked hard, and somewhat successfully, to drive a wedge between European leaders. They supported the far right in Germany, Viktor Orbán in Hungary, and Meloni in Italy.

一段时间,特朗普和“让美国再次伟大”(MAGA)运动曾努力,并在一定程度上成功地在欧洲领导人之间制造了裂痕。他们支持了德国的极右翼、匈牙利的维克托·奥尔班以及意大利的梅洛尼。

But, just three days before Meloni arrived in Paris, Orbán faced an enormous electoral defeat. During the 16 years of his iron-fist rule in Hungary, the pro-Russian Orbán had been a critic of Europe, creating considerable headaches for the EU by blocking a range of initiatives and providing sensitive information to his friend Vladimir Putin. His replacement by a more moderate leader, Péter Magyar, has sparked significant hope in European chancelleries for greater unity.

然而,就在梅洛尼抵达巴黎的前三天,奥尔班就遭遇了巨大的选举失败。在他在匈牙利铁腕统治的16年里,这位亲俄的奥尔班一直是欧洲的批评者,通过阻挠一系列倡议和向他的朋友弗拉基米尔·普京提供敏感信息,给欧盟带来了巨大的麻烦。他被一位更温和的领导人佩特尔·马吉尔取代,这在欧洲外交部门点燃了人们对于更大团结的希望。

The internal divisions that Trump relied on to deal with Europe are eroding.

特朗普依靠的、用来应对欧洲的内部分裂正在瓦解。

Furthermore, his threats to acquire Greenland only months ago were met by immediate European reactions such as putting a commercial agreement with the US on ice, launching operation “Arctic Endurance”, and affirming Danish and European sovereignty. The EU has once again shown its ability to resist Washington’s pressures and affirm its strategic autonomy.

此外,他几个月前威胁获取格陵兰岛的行为,遭到了欧洲的即时反应,例如暂停与美国的商业协议、发起“北极耐力”行动,并确认了丹麦和欧洲的主权。欧盟再次展示了抵制华盛顿压力和维护其战略自主的能力。

Where now for Europe?

欧洲现在该往哪里去?

These episodes in national and international affairs have prepared the ground for a more united approach to the current crisis. European leaders, so often hampered by divisions exacerbated by Russia and the US, are now in a unique position to weigh in on the current Iran crisis and the shock it is delivering to the global economy.

这些在国家和国际事务中的事件,为应对当前的危机采取更统一的方法奠定了基础。欧洲领导人过去常常受到俄罗斯和美国加剧的分歧的阻碍,但现在他们处于一个独特的地位,可以对当前的伊朗危机及其给全球经济带来的冲击发表看法。

This is because the concerns that unite them – energy security, potential inflation and unemployment – overrule any ideological affinity towards Moscow or Washington.

这是因为,将他们团结起来的共同关切——能源安全、潜在的通货膨胀和失业——压倒了任何意识形态上倾向莫斯科或华盛顿的倾向。

Besides greater diplomatic integration of European member states, the current crisis is also a catalyst for the European Commission to accelerate its efforts to limit consumption of fossil fuel, safeguard supply networks and accelerate the electrification of Europe’s economies through nuclear and renewables.

除了欧洲成员国更深入的外交整合,当前的危机也是欧洲委员会加速努力限制化石燃料消耗、维护供应网络以及通过核能和可再生能源加速欧洲经济电气化的催化剂。

Paradoxically, the Iran and Hormuz crises have – as Russia’s invasion of Ukraine did in 2022 – driven further European integration. This renewed faith in a European voice is happening both between member states and between European institutions such as the European Parliament, the European Commission and the Foreign Affairs Council.

矛盾的是,伊朗和霍尔木兹危机——就像俄罗斯在2022年入侵乌克兰时所做的那样——推动了欧洲更进一步的整合。这种对欧洲声音的信心正在复苏,这种信心既发生在成员国之间,也发生在欧洲议会、欧洲委员会和外交理事会等欧洲机构之间。

This rapprochement between European leaders is starting to yield outcomes beyond the Iranian crisis. Visiting Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk on April 20, Macron declared he was “reasonably optimistic” for a “new era in Europe”, starting with more support for Ukraine, previously vetoed by the departed Orban.

欧洲领导人之间的这种和解,开始产生超越伊朗危机的成果。马克龙于4月20日会见波兰总理唐纳德·图斯克时宣布,他对欧洲的“新时代”持“相当乐观”的态度,这包括对乌克兰提供更多支持,而此前这一支持曾被奥尔班否决。

The significant disruptions created by Trump’s attack on Iran may well have the side effect of a more autonomous and sovereign Europe. Despite the tensions between the US and European states, all have an interest in a peaceful Iran – and Ukraine.

特朗普对伊朗的攻击造成的重大破坏,很可能会带来欧洲更自主和主权化的副作用。尽管美国和欧洲国家之间存在紧张关系,但所有人都对一个和平的伊朗——和乌克兰——抱有共同的利益。

For some in Europe, the war in Iran may be resolved amicably if further collaboration is achieved through US support in Ukraine.

对于欧洲的一些人来说,如果通过美国在乌克兰的支持实现进一步的合作,伊朗的战争可能会和平解决。

Romain Fathi does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

罗曼·法蒂不为任何公司或组织工作,不拥有其股份,也不从其获得资金,并且除了其学术任命外,没有披露任何相关的从属关系。